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Legal news from Sunday, September 26, 2010




Federal judge allows California to move forward with first execution in 4 years
Erin Bock on September 26, 2010 3:36 PM ET

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[JURIST] A federal judge ruled [opinion, PDF] Friday that the state of California can move forward with plans to execute a convicted rapist and murderer later this week. Albert Brown was convicted [NYT report] of raping and murdering a 15-year-old girl in 1982 and is scheduled to be executed on Wednesday. Brown petitioned to join a lawsuit filed by death row inmate Michael Morales [JURIST news archive], challenging the state's lethal injection process, and sought a stay of execution. Brown argued that California's new lethal injection regulations [15 CCR 3349, et seq.] should be fully reviewed by a court of law before any executions are permitted to take place. California had been enjoined from performing any executions since 2006, when the state was ordered to reconsider its lethal injection process [JURIST reports] because it was found to potentially cause undue pain and suffering in violation of the Eighth Amendment [text], which protects against cruel and unusual punishment. Judge Jeremy Fogel of the US District Court for the Northern District of California [official website] stated that "there is no way" the court could perform a thorough analysis of the regulation five days before the scheduled execution, as the new regulations are "three years in the making." Fogel allowed Brown to intervene in the suit, but denied his motion for a stay, stating that Brown failed to meet his burden of proving the execution would place him under a demonstrated risk of undergoing unconstitutional pain and suffering. Fogel stressed that his opinion was narrowly focused on the legal question presented and had nothing to do with the death penalty as moral or political issue:
The Court is constrained to point out once again that the instant litigation is not about the wisdom or morality of the death penalty or the tragic suffering of the families and loved ones of those who commit capital crimes. The passions that surround these issues are deep and entirely understandable, but they have little to do with the limited legal question presented here. ... The Court is painfully aware that however it decides a case of this nature, there will be many who disagree profoundly with its decision. The moral and political debate about capital punishment will continue, as it should.
California rights groups, such as the local branches of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and Death Penalty Focus [official websites] have voiced their opposition [press release, PDF] to the court's opinion, arguing that executions should not be performed while three other lawsuits regarding the state's lethal injection process are still pending. Brown has appealed to the US Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit.

The battle in California over proper lethal injection procedures has been ongoing since 2006 when Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger [official website], in response to court rulings regarding the postponement of Morales' execution and a virtual moratorium of all executions in the state, ordered [JURIST report] his administration to "correct court-identified deficiencies in California's lethal injection protocol to ensure the death penalty procedure is constitutional." Schwarzenegger submitted a proposal in 2007 [JURIST report] regarding changes to the state's protocol, including authorization to construct a new execution chamber. California's new lethal injection protocol became effective on August 29, 2010.




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States file amicus brief against California same-sex marriage decision
Dwyer Arce on September 26, 2010 1:18 PM ET

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[JURIST] Thirteen state attorneys general have joined in an amicus curiae brief [text, PDF] urging the US Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit to overturn a federal court decision [JURIST report] striking down California's ban on same-sex marriage [JURIST news archive]. The brief argues that the district court exceeded its authority because a federal court cannot "reorder this foundational legal and social institution." It goes on to state that homosexuals do not constitute a suspect class requiring strict scrutiny, and have never been treated as such by the US Supreme Court or the Ninth Circuit. Citing a recent Texas appellate court decision [JURIST report], and those of several other state and federal courts, the brief urges the court to apply rational basis review, one which it argues is a determination of law making factual trial court findings irrelevant. The states went on to say that this standard was misapplied by the lower court because it was "logically impossible" to find that Proposition 8 was an irrational action by state voters, who could have rationally determined that same-sex marriage would weaken the institution of marriage. The brief also argues that the Supreme Court had already set binding precedent on the issue:
From a strictly legal perspective, this is an easy case to decide. In Baker v. Nelson, the Minnesota Supreme Court held that limiting marriage to opposite sex couples violated neither due process nor equal protection. The United States Supreme Court dismissed the appeal for want of a substantial federal question. This resolution is dispositive. ... In any event, voters and legislatures in forty-one states have affirmatively rejected the notion of same-sex marriage, either by constitutional amendment or legislation, and voters or legislatures in four other states have left in place statutes that plainly assume the opposite-sex definition of marriage. Thus, as in Glucksburg, "[t]he history of the law's treatment of [same-sex marriage] in this country has been and continues to be one of the rejection of nearly all efforts to permit it. ... That being the case ... the asserted 'right' ... is not a fundamental liberty interest protected by the Due Process Clause."
According to the brief, the district court's rationale would have wide ranging logical implications, including imputing constitutional protections to polyamorous and intra-familial marriages.

Last week, officials for Imperial County, California, announced that the county had submitted its opening brief [JURIST report] in an appeal to overturn the district court decision. District Judge Vaughn Walker denied Imperial's request to intervene in the original suit in August, stating that the request was not timely. Walker has cast doubt on the ability of defendant-intervenors in the suit to appeal the district court decision because they are not original parties to the suit and therefore lack the necessary standing. If the Ninth Circuit allows Imperial to intervene, the court will then determine whether the county has standing to appeal Walker's ruling. The state of California, the original defendant to the suit, has decided not to pursue an appeal. Earlier this month, a judge for California's 3rd District Court of Appeal ruled that neither Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger nor Attorney General Jerry Brown is required to appeal the decision [JURIST report]. In his decision, Walker held that the same-sex marriage ban was unconstitutional under both the Due Process Clause and the Equal Protection Clause [Cornell LII backgrounders] of the Fourteenth Amendment.




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Scalia stays Louisiana class action ruling against tobacco companies
Dwyer Arce on September 26, 2010 11:38 AM ET

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[JURIST] US Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia [Oyez profile] on Friday stayed [order, PDF] a Louisiana appeals court ruling awarding $241.5 million to the plaintiffs in a class action suit against several tobacco companies. The ruling, issued by Scalia in his role as Circuit Justice [28 USC § 2101(f)] for the US Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, prevents the tobacco companies from having to carry out the decision, which ordered them to pay $241.5 million to a fund meant to help Louisianans quit smoking. The companies, which include Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corporation, Lorillard Tobacco Company, Philip Morris USA, Inc. and Tobacco Institute, Inc., were also ordered to pay $29 million in interest and $11 million for the administrative costs related to the fund. The ruling came after the Louisiana court found that the tobacco companies had "distort[ed] the entire body of public knowledge about the addictive effects of nicotine." Scalia held that the case met the stay criteria, finding that it was likely the Supreme Court would grant certiorari, that there was a "significant possibility" of reversal and that there was the likelihood of irreparable harm without the stay. He also held that the case raises due process concerns because, under the Louisiana ruling, the individual plaintiffs are not required to establish that they were harmed by the companies' actions, violating the companies' due process right to present every available defense:
The extent to which class treatment may constitutionally reduce the normal requirements of due process is an important question. National concern over abuse of the class-action device induced Congress to permit removal of most major class actions to federal court, where they will be subject to the significant limitations of the Federal Rules. Federal removal jurisdiction has not been accorded, however, over many class actions in which more than two-thirds of the plaintiff class are citizens of the forum State. Because the class here was drawn to include only residents of Louisiana, this suit typifies the sort of major class action that often will not be removable, and in which the constraints of the Due Process Clause will be the only federal protection.
The companies are expected to file their appeal to the Supreme Court in the coming year.

The companies requested the stay after the Supreme Court of Louisiana refused to hear their appeal from the ruling [text] of the Louisiana Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit. Philip Morris has faced other class action litigation related to its sales practices. In 2008, the US Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit overturned class action certification [JURIST report] for a lawsuit brought by "light" cigarette smokers against Philip Morris and other light cigarette makers. The class action, which included anyone who has ever bought light cigarettes since they hit the market in the 1970s, had alleged that tobacco companies used deceptive advertising tactics to mislead smokers in response to growing health concerns over the risks of smoking cigarettes. In September 2006, a judge for the US District Court for the Southern District of New York certified the class of 50 million plaintiffs [JURIST report] for the class-action suit. Lawyers estimated that sales of light cigarettes brought tobacco companies between $120 billion and $200 billion in extra sales since 1971.




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